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"Myth of the Mitanin" in Medico Friends Circle Bulletin No 311, June 2005, pp. 12-17 http://www.mfcindia.org/mfcpdfs/MFC311.pdf Political Constraints on Structural Reforms in Health Care in Chhattisgarh Binayak Sen Since the middle of 2002, the newly formed state of Chhattisgarh has been the locus of a statewide programme of structural reforms in the Government health care system. This programme was designed to have had two broad components; one was the articulation and popularization of the right to health care through a process of selection, training, and activation of community based women health workers called mitanins. The other broad component was the implementation of a series of fundamental changes in the health care infrastructure of the state. Despite promising achievements in the area of infrastructure development, due to structural problems in the way in which the entire programme has been implemented, the political core of the programme remains unrealized. This major programme illustrates the structural constraints contingent upon state based interventions in health care in the absence of major political initiatives.
Chhattisgarh is one of the three newly formed states of the Indian union, having been established on the first of November 2000. Apart from the sex ratio, all demographic indicators impacting on the health of the people are to the disadvantage of the people of the State. Hunger related deaths have been occurring in recent years with increasing frequency. Investigations of such events carried out by the Chhattisgarh PUCL, in which we participated, have shown: (a) a large section of the affected communities do not have the purchasing power to access the targeted public distribution system. (b) supplies of safe drinking water are simply not available many such communities. (c) the government health care facilities remain inaccessible to such communities. (d) BMI studies carried out in such communities have shown that the median BMI in such communities is below 18.5. Of all these factors we have deliberately concentrated our attention only on aspects relating to health care in the analysis hitherto. Within this context the Government of Chhattisgarh (GOC) in January of 2002 initiated a series of consultations to design a comprehensive programme of directed change to bring about specific changes in the health care system in the State. It was agreed that funding assistance for this ambitious programme would be generated through assistance from the European Commission under their sector reform programme. Apart from senior members of the health care functionaries in the State, senior bureaucrats and civil society administrators, health activists participated in this intensive colloquium. What came out of this consultation was a two pronged strategy: on the one hand a programme for the state wide selection training and deployment of community health workers and the other hand there was a 15 point programme for bringing about fundamental changes in the health care system in the State. We will now consider each of the two aspects in some of greater details. Community Health Worker Programme The programme envisaged the selection, training and deployment of a statewide system of community health workers. These workers were supposed to have certain special characteristic, as follows - a. All the workers were to be women. They would be known as “mitanins”. The use of these terms, which denotes a culturally hallowed relationship generated considerable opposition; what was finally agreed upon was a compromise. b. All the women would be selected from within the communities that they would be serving through a process of consensus. c. The communities in question would be self-defined hamlets rather then villages. In other words any group of families regarding themselves as a community would define themselves as such and proceed to select a health worker for themselves. This provision was specifically design to tie in with the concept of “Gram Sabha” in the PESA. d. Educational attainment would not be a constraint on selection. e. None of the mitanins would receive any govt. salary or allowance in lieu of their services. This provision generated prolong debate, but was agreed to on the grounds that the mitanin should be a community representative rather then a government functionary. This provision did not preclude the payment of compensatory allowances during training or the provision of community based interventions at a later stage of the programme. f. The mitanin would perform certain technical functions by way of first contact care within the community, for which she would be specifically trained over a period of time. However, her main function would be to articulate the demand for health care within the community in the form of the right to health care. A slogan was coined, “Swasthya Hamar Adhikar Hawe” (Health is Our Right). Health Sector Reform Agenda A national level consultation in January 2002 identified a number of areas of the current health services provision which need structural changes in state policy and practice, in laws, in programmes and institutions. The focus was mainly on strengthening community health systems, primary and district level health delivery systems, health surveillance and epidemic control. The areas of reform, which would go along with the programme, were detailed as shown below. Agreed reform agenda with role of civil society partners was specified: 1. Community-Based Health Services 2. Delegation and Decentralization Assist GOC in developing an autonomy package for (a) integrated District Health & Family Welfare Agency (DHA), (b) Hospitals, (c) Programme managers at district and facility levels and (d) PRIs and ULBs. Planning of devolution of financial powers and other resources, specifically financial resources to PRIs and ULBs. Strengthening system of transparency and the right to information and social audits.
3. Strengthening Health Intelligence, Surveillance, Epidemiology and Planning 4. Control of Epidemics Improving community and primary health care systems for (a) prevention (b) early detection (c) early intervention (d) early prevention of morbidity and mortality because of epidemics. 5. Health Problems of Poor People 6. Capacity Building 7. Rational Drug Use Policy 8. Improving Internal Systems of the Department of Public Health 10. Drug Distribution and Logistics 11. Uniform Treatment Clinical Protocols 12. Management Information System 13. Decentralized Laboratory Services 14. Mainstreaming of Indian Systems of Medicine esp. tribal medicines into the state health system 15. Drug Resistance in Malaria Formation of State Advisory Committee Taking on board these suggestions, the Department of Health & family Welfare, Government of Chhattisgarh decided to formally formulate collaboration with the leading NGOs of the state who were involved in health action and who had been part of this process. These partners included Rupantar, Jan Swasthya Sahayog, Zilla Saksharta Samiti (Durg) and Bharat Gyan Vigyan Samithi, Raigarh and Ambikapur Health Society and Ramakrishna Mission. A high-powered State Advisory Committee (SAC) was formed by a government order. This state advisory committee was constituted with representatives of these NGOs, of senior state health officials and of representatives of funding agencies contributing to health sector development to monitor the progress of the reform process as well as provide inputs for the community health worker programme. Formation of the State Health Resource Centre To provide on-going support to the health sector reform and development process and to facilitate this massive community health worker programme Action-Aid was requested to set up a State Health Resource Centre (SHRC), fully supported by the Government of Chhattisgarh in order to make available high quality human resource support for health services in Chhattisgarh. The terms of reference for this state health resource centre was agreed upon the crystallized in the form of a memorandum of Understanding signed between the country director Action Aid and the secretary health. The memorandum of understanding defines the State Health Resource Centre as “an additional technical capacity to the Department of Health & Family Welfare in designing the reform agenda for the transition from existing health services to community based health services, developing operational guidelines for implementation of reform programme, and arranging/ providing on-going technical supporting to the District Health Administration and other programme managers in implementing this reform programme. We can briefly take stock of the achievements of the programme upto the present moment, before turning to an analysis of the various ways in which the programme has fallen short of its original objectives. Achievements of the Programme Almost 50,000 mitanins have now been selected and brought into the training process. They have been attending the training programmes held across the state. Many of them have been participating in village level n family health surveys. Their help and participation is also being sought in monitoring some of the functions of the ANM and other paramedical staff. Large numbers of them have been issued with dawa petis (medicine kits). We do not at the moment have any feedback about their ability to use the kits. They have also been issued referral slips with which to send patients to the peripheral health care units An essential drugs list has been evolved, and doctors trained in its rationale and use. An entirely new procedure for the purchase and stocking and distributing drugs of assured quality has been evolved and is slowly being put in place. A series of standard treatment protocols have been developed both at the medical and paramedical levels, and relevant in service training have been organized. A major workforce study has been undertaken and its implications are currently under consideration. A series of publications have been put out by the SHRC, drawing upon in house resources as well as the services of external consultants. These include a series of six mitanin training booklets, a publication on the Conceptual and Operational aspects of the mitanin programme. The Chhattisgarh State Drug Formulatory, Standard Treatment Guidelines for Medical Officers and para medical workers separately, A study of Workforce Management and HRD in the public health care system, and the Proceedings of a Malaria Operations research Workshop, The EQUIP (Enhancing Quality of Primary Health Care) programme has also been taken up by the SHRC.The central purpose of the programme is to strengthen service delivery in the public health system-both in terms of utilization and in terms of quality. The Government of Chhattisgarh has begun by strengthening health services in 32 blocks so that then over the next 3 to 5 years the process could be repeated till all 146 blocks are covered. After discussions, a participatory goal setting was abandoned in favour of a focus on reducing maternal mortality by: a. Ensuring 24 hour Emergency Obstetric Care capability in the CHC, b. Ensuring 24-hour institutional delivery capability in every sector PHC. c. Ensuring good quality sub-centre services at the sub-center.
It is reasoned that if the gaps are closed in infrastructure, equipment, manpower, skills sufficient to provide the above as well as in parallel organizational and motivational processes are addressed then not only care at delivery but service delivery in the public system as a whole-in that block-would be strengthened. In parallel many other bottlenecks identified like better location of facilities, a working referral system, and the integration with the mitanin system, the multi-skilling of workers etc would be addressed. Many of these achievements have been obtained in the face of determined opposition from the many vested interests threatened by these measures. However, as we shall show, despite these changes, the possibilities created thereby for and equitable, accessible, effective, and humane health care systems remain unaltered in the main. While, a detailed analysis would yield many factors responsible for this outcome, the three major factors that we have been identified are - a. The total destruction of the political characters of the community health programme. b. The already highly privatized nature of the health service infrastructure in Chhattisgarh. c. The failure to make any attempt at administrative and financial devolution within this programme.
The critical assessment that follows discusses these issues in greater detail and elaborates on some examples of fundamental confusion that have bedeviled the programme. Critical Assessment In its original formulation the programme was to have a woman community health worker who would work in her community to articulate the right to health care and a slogan to this affect had been developed as has been mentioned. It was not mere naivety that persuaded us to accept the possibility of such a demand be articulated from within a state sponsored and implemented process. In the initial consultation, the state protagonists had taken care to involve civil society partners who had been working in Chhattisgarh and elsewhere to articulate peoples’ rights to health through a variety of approaches. The list of participants included Shaheed hospital which had done pioneering work in developing a curative health progrmme in the context of the Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha, Rupantar, which had extended the ideas developed through the Shaheed Hospital experience to a tribal land movement context and had considerable experience in a community health worker based health programme, Raigarh Ambikapur Health Association which combined community based health insurance and service delivery through a chain of primary , secondary and tertiary health facilities, CEHAT which worked in health advocacy and community health worker training in Maharashtra, BGVS, which had experience of social mobilization and demand articulation for health and literacy, and many others. All the participating civil society organization had been given a categorical assurance that their would be a period of one year during which pilot phase they would have an opportunity to put this new concept of the community health worker on the ground, free of govt. interference and that these pooled experiences would be the basis for the further elaboration of the concept of the community health worker in Chhattisgarh. The civil society partnership in the programme was also sought to be formalizesd through the establishment of the SAC. However the SAC was quickly marginalized in the decision making process, and in fact, SAC meetings have not been held at all for the last 12 months. However, this assurance was breached early in the programme. Once the State Health Resource Centre (SHRC) was properly set up and the programme got properly into swing, performance indicators took over under the aegis of an agency that considered itself to be a “Para-statal Body”. Moreover, once the power elite in the government and outside it realized that the mitanin was a handy new source of patronage within the village, they quickly took over and occupied all the vacant spaces in the implementation of the programme. Within a year of the establishment of the new state, a very large number of new NGOs crawled out of the wall to serve as vehicles for the hegemonic aspirations of the existing elites. This nexus exerted great pressure to rapidly expand the programme. As a result of this expansion, the focus shifted away from the rights based approach to one that concentrated on technical milestones. This destroyed whatever possibilities were left in the development of an approach based on a realization of the right to health care. The para-statal Body, which quickly became a “quasi-statal body” implemented this total perversion of the original concept of the mitanin. The current government health care infrastructure in Chhattisgarh is already heavily privatized. All salaried doctors are allowed private practice, and, with rare exceptions, devote a large part of the working day to this activity. Moreover with the widespread application of user fee for service, government hospitals and health centres are almost universally places where effective treatment only becomes available after money changes hands. BPL cardholders are eligible for free treatment, but in a state were 40 % of the people are calorie deficient, only 25 % of the people have BPL cards by World Bank fiat. Moreover, in a situation where most people pay, free often means inferior. Such norms worked themselves down the line. ANMs charge Rs. 500/- for a normal delivery, MPWs charge Rs. 100/- for a glucose drip in malaria and so on. Public investments in such a structure can only increase the lack of equity and accessibility. This is not a plea for less public investment, but only a realization of the fact that unless the back of this corrupt system is broken, piecemeal approches will not work. No such attempt has been made within the parameters of the present programme. On the other hand while the total budget of the entire health sector reform programme over three years is Rs. 16 crores, of which up till now only Rs. 8 crores have been spent. In contrast, in the overall health budget of the state, Rs. 12 crores, out of an annual budget of Rs. 400 crores have already been invested in a public private partnership with Escorts Heart Hospital. The latter facility is housed in one wing of the Raipur Medical College, an institution built totally our of public funds By devolution, we do not mean leaving impoverished communities with the impossible task of generating their own resources but to the transfer of real resources and decision-making power to communities and their federations. The entire legal and institutional apparatus for such a process already exist in Chhattisgarh, a state over large areas of which PESA is in operation, and where PRI institutions are almost a decade old. The structural reform programme nevertheless remains highly centralized, with real power being exercised by a tiny group of people -ministers, bureaucrats, senior doctor -administrators and a “para-statal body”. The entire Panchayati Raj system has been bypassed in this process. The long-term political results of such an approach will be interesting indeed to watch. The confusion about the role of the mitanin and whom she represents mirrors many of the issues we have been discussing above. In the original conceptualization, the mitanin was envisaged as a community representative, and the argument for not paying her a salary was based on this notion. As a matter of fact, the PRI interface with the mitanin was supposed to look into the issue of the compensating her for the service. Yet, as the programme grew more and more target driven, the onus for monitoring was placed firmly in the hands of the health and SHRC bureaucracy; the SHRC annual report for 2003-04 articulates the monitoring structure as “a monitoring cascade where every functionary above the mitanin has one or two formats to fill” (emphasis added). This was expected to “track every mitanin performance and send up only such information as can be acted upon at that level.” It adds that all necessary formats for this were to be printed centrally, and that the SHRC together with the District Collectors and CMOs was to tighten monitoring. The two key concepts of public-private partnership and state-civil society partnership that form a large part of the sector reform discourse are called into question through the experience of health sector structural reforms in Chhattisgarh. In many circles the programme in Chhattisgarh has been hailed as a success story, particularly for its operationalization of these two aspects. Yet, our discussion above has shown that important political prerequisites for the creation of a just, equitable, accessible, and effective health care system have not been met in this process. A widespread articulation of the right to health care is not a mere utopian dream. It is a necessary part of any process of genuine structural reforms in the health care system. In its current formulation, a liberatory role for the community health worker remains a myth-the myth of the mitanin.
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